Category: Research

Violent Crime in Ghana: Who is at Risk, When and Where? Analysis of Police Crime Statistics

New evidence from an analysis of police crime statistics by the African Institute for Crime, Policy and Governance Research has revealed that sexual violence is the most prevalent violent crime in Ghana. The rate of sexual violence from 2012 to 2019 has fluctuated between 12 and 19 per 100,000 females.

It was 14 per 100,000 in 2019 which was twice the robbery rate for that year. Further analysis showed the Greater Accra and Central regions were hot spots of sexual violence and robbery, with the sexual violence rate in Greater Accra reaching 35 per 100, 000 females.

Read more about the findings here.

Commercial vehicle drivers (‘trotro’ drivers) who experience police corruption are more likely to break traffic laws – Research

Commercial vehicle drivers (‘trotro’ drivers) who experience police corruption are more likely to break traffic laws. That’s the finding from a new study by three members of Africa Institute for Crime, Policy and Governance Research: Dr Tankebe, Dr Boakye, and Mr Amagnya.

The study also found that the drivers were more inclined to assist the police maintain law on the roads if they are treated fairly by the police. The study, published in the international peer-reviewed journal Policing and Society, was based on survey data from 415 drivers in Accra and Kumasi.

“Our findings show that police can reduce traffic violations by curbing corruption among traffic officers. They may be able to increase the flow of information from commercial vehicle drivers by improving the fairness of their interactions with these drivers”, the authors concluded.

Find full study here

Study looks at support for offender rehabilitation among Ghanaian prison officers

Support among prison officers in Ghana for the rehabilitation of offenders is heavily dependent on their sense of self-legitimacy, a new study by researchers at Kent and the University of Cambridge has found.

The research suggests that being treated fairly by their superiors and developing good relationships with colleagues are crucial to prison officers’ sense that the authority vested in them is morally right. In turn, that sense of self-legitimacy increases their support for the rehabilitation of those in custody.

Dr Thomas Akoensi, of the School of Social Policy, Sociology and Social Research, worked on the study alongside Dr Justice Tankebe from the Institute of Criminology at  Cambridge. They argue that the link between factors affecting prison officers’ sense of their own power and their subsequent support for rehabilitation is key to maintaining order within the prison system, since prison officers’ beliefs can impact their job performance. Further, a lack of support for rehabilitation can result in deliberate efforts to undermine these programs.

The study, Prison Officer Self-Legitimacy and Support for Rehabilitation in Ghana’, saw the researchers survey prison officers working in medium and low security prisons in Ghana to investigate the influences upon their personal sense of self-legitimacy and how this affects their support for the rehabilitation of prisoners.

A total of 1,062 prison officers took part in the study. Questionnaires were distributed to the prison officers in open meetings, and were used to measure five key variables: self-legitimacy, support for rehabilitation, relations with individuals in custody, fair treatment by supervisors, and relations with colleagues.

The research provides useful evidence for prison managers seeking to understand and influence prison officers’ job performance and motivations.

Dr Akoensi said: ‘Relationships are key to prison life and an important goal of imprisonment is to rehabilitate individuals who are in custody. Support among prison officers is crucial in Ghana, where rehabilitation programs are limited in scope and where officers have to be innovative and make sustained personal investments in the lives of those in custody to assist with changing their offending behaviour.

‘In our study, attitudes towards rehabilitation programmes varied significantly according to the differences between officers’ sense of their own moral authority, which was shown to be influenced by their relationships with their colleagues and direct supervisors. Good relationships are vital for nourishing officers’ self-belief and maintaining their support for rehabilitation programmes.’

A new study on what motivates young educated Ghanaians to report corruption to anti-corruption agencies

Young educated Ghanaians are more likely to report corruption to anti-corruption agencies if they are certain it will lead to suspects being apprehended. That’s the conclusion in “Cooperation With the Police Against Corruption”, a study published in the British Journal of Criminology, the official publication of the British Society of Criminology.

Dr Tankebe analysed survey data collected from 530 final year university of Ghana students in which he examined the factors that explained their willingness to report corrupt transactions to the police.

“Among all participants, cooperative intentions depended on perceptions of the certainty of apprehension for corrupt behaviour”, the study concluded.

It also found that the young educated Ghanaians studied imagined themselves to be reporting corruption to the authorities if they perceived that other citizens were similarly likely to report corruption to those authorities.

Read the full report here.

How young educated Ghanaians view corruption

A corruption scandal is in the news in Ghana again. Media reports suggest an elaborate scheme of cronyism in the procurement of private sector involvement in the country’s energy industry. This is only the latest of many allegations of serious corruption in the country.

Annual reports by the Auditor General and disclosures from undercover investigations provide evidence of widespread corruption across Ghanaian society. The latest Afrobarometer survey also showed that 33% of the Ghanaians surveyed reported paying bribes to public officials. This is lower than the rates for Nigeria (44%) and Liberia (53%), but much higher than Senegal (15%).

And according to the country’s Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice, Ghana loses $US3bn every year to corruption. Beyond economic costs, corruption erodes confidence in democratic institutions, undermines the rule of law and violates human rights.

It was in this context that our study sought to understand how young educated adults – described in our study as prospective elites – reacted to corrupt opportunities.

What constitutes corruption?

Corruption is a complex social problem. It takes different forms in different societies, and it changes over time. A widely-cited definition comes from Transparency International: corruption is “the abuse of entrusted power for private gain”. This is helpful, but I prefer the definition by the criminologist John Kleinig, who wrote that officials:

act corruptly when, in exercising or failing to exercise their authority, they act with the primary intention of furthering private or departmental/divisional advantage.

This definition makes the point that corruption includes both what people do and what they fail to do. The critical issue is a person’s motive. It also makes clear that corrupt officials need not benefit from the transaction: sometimes officials abuse their authority for the benefit of groups to which they belong. Examples would include a religious group, an ethnic group or a political party.

The definition also takes us beyond monetary gains to include other gains such as esteem, especially in cases of nepotism and cronyism.

More recently, I have become interested in what some describe as “delayed corruption”. Here officials exercise their authority with an eye on personal advantage that will accrue to them once they leave public office.

The why

We first sought to determine the type of corruption that the young adults were likely to engage in. We presented 530 with scenarios depicting various forms of corrupt opportunities, and asked what they would do in such cases.

In explaining why people resorted to corruption, we considered bribery and nepotism across three situations: policing; public procurement; and the abuse of power for the benefit of others rather than the young adults themselves. A number of important findings emerged.

We found that people were more inclined to engage in influence peddling – with and on behalf of friends and relatives – rather than to pay bribes directly. For example, nearly 50% indicated they would ask friends to use their positions to award them a government contract while only a third said they would pay a bribe for a similar contract.

This suggests that friendship and kinship networks, rather than direct monetary exchange, are important channels through which corrupt exchanges take place.

We also found that perceptions of being found out – in other words, risk factors – played a big role. This is consistent with research findings from elsewhere showing that corruption is more likely to happen in environments where there is weak monitoring and the risk of detection is low.

The higher the risk, the less likely that young, educated Ghanaians will get involved in corruption.

We also found that young adults who defined a successful life in terms of material possessions were consistently more inclined to engage in bribery and nepotism. They were willing to pay bribes or use friendship networks to secure public contracts, to influence police officers, and to make decisions that favoured others.

Finally, we found that a person’s attachments to the state and to kinship groups mattered a great deal for their decision to resort to corruption. A strong attachment to the state made corrupt conduct less likely; a strong attachment to kinship groups made it more likely.

What needs to be done

Anti-corruption efforts need to focus on improving the detection of corrupt transactions – whether these are bribery or nepotism and cronyism – because it is certainty of detection that deters criminal conduct. Research evidence also shows perceptions of certainty increase people’s willingness to report corruption to the authorities.

Three things can be considered.

First, the anti-corruption architecture could be redesigned to grant the police a pivotal role. The police have the capacity to build an extensive intelligence network across the country. They are present in every city and their intelligence networks can help detect efforts to hide wealth obtained through corruption. They also provide easy access for citizens to report corruption. But an anti-corruption role for the police requires improved training, better resources, and insulating them from partisan politics.

Second, invert the logic underpinning efforts to detect procurement corruption. Currently, it is presumed that procurement transactions are “clean” until evidence of corruption emerges. That needs to change to adopt the logic that underpins airport security screening: assume that every public procurement is corrupt until proven otherwise, and it should not proceed until it has gone through a transparent process of scrutiny. Proceedings of procurement boards, including reasons for decisions, should be video recorded and made public.

Third, periodic integrity testing of officials can heighten the risk of detection. This can be “targeted” at specific officials for whom complaints about corruption do not appear sufficient for criminal prosecution. An example is what the undercover journalism Anas Aremeyaw Anas has done so effectively. But integrity testing can also be “random” and aimed at potential offenders.

Anti-corruption interventions also need to be part of broader reforms to build the state’s legitimacy. Weak bonds with the state create a predatory relationship in which some citizens seek to exploit it for their individual and group interests.

This article was first published on The Conversation.